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婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛濡囬埞宥夋煃閳轰礁鏆曠紒鎲嬫嫹 | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛鏅涘Λ妯好归悡搴f憼妞わ讣鎷� | 婵犵鍓濋〃鍛存偋閸涱垱顐介柨鐕傛嫹 | 缂傚倷绶¢崰妤呭磿閹惰棄绠圭憸鏂款嚕椤掑嫬鐐婇柍鍝勫暙婵烇拷 | 闂備礁鎲$敮妤呭垂瀹曞洩濮抽柕濞垮劗閺嬫牠鏌¢崶鈺佷户濞寸》鎷� | 婵犳鍠楄摫闁搞劌纾懞閬嶅Ω閵夈垺鐏冮梺鍝勬川閸嬬喐瀵奸敓锟� | 缂傚倸鍊风粈浣烘崲閹寸姷鐭堥柣鐔稿閺嬫牠鏌¢崶鈺佷户濞寸》鎷� | 闂佽崵鍋炵粙鎴﹀嫉椤掑嫬妫橀柛灞惧焹閺嬫牠鏌¢崶鈺佷户濞寸》鎷� | 闂佽崵濮村ú銈壦囬幎绛嬫晩闁圭偓鏋奸弸鏍煛閸モ晛浠уù纭锋嫹 | 闂備礁鎲¢懝楣冩偋閸曨垰鐒垫い鎴f娴滈箖姊洪棃娑欘棏闁稿鎹囬弻娑橆潩閻愵剙顏� | 婵犵鍓濋〃鍛存偋閸涱垱顐介柕澹啫鐏婃俊銈忕到閸熺娀宕戦幘缁樻櫢闁跨噦鎷� | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛鏅涘Λ姗€鏌涢妷顖滅暠濠殿噯鎷� | 闂備礁鎲¢懝楣冩偋閸℃稑绠栭柟鍓х帛閸ゆ垿鏌涢幇銊︽珕闁瑰嚖鎷� | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛/鍕濠殿喗绻傞惉鐓幬i敓锟� | 闂備礁鎲¢悷锕傛偤閺囥垹鐒垫い鎺嗗亾闁哥喐鎸抽妴鍌炴嚍閵夛箑鍔呴梺璺ㄥ櫐閹凤拷 | 
婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛鏅涢悙濠囨煕濞嗗秴鍔氬┑顕嗘嫹 | 闂佽崵濮村ú銈壦囬幎绛嬫晩闁规崘顕х粻浼存煕閵夋垵鍟伴、锟� | 闂佹眹鍩勯崹浼村箺濠婂牆鏋侀柕鍫濇噳閺嬫牠鏌¢崶锝嗩潑婵炵》鎷� | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛/鈧崑鎾诲捶椤撶偘绮舵繝娈垮櫙閹凤拷 | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛鏅滈悡鍌氣攽閻樿精鍏岄柣銈忔嫹 | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵洪弽顐n偨闁靛鏅滈埛鎺撱亜閺傚灝鈷旈柟鏂ゆ嫹 | 婵犵數鍋涢ˇ鏉棵哄┑瀣剁稏濠㈣泛鏈崰鍡涙煥濠靛棛澧遍柛銈忔嫹 | 闂佽崵鍠嶅鎺旂矆娓氣偓瀹曡绂掔€n亝顥濋梺鎼炲劵缁犳垶鎱ㄩ敓锟� | 闂佽姘﹂鏍ㄧ濠靛牊鍏滈柛鎾茶兌鐏忕敻鏌ㄩ悤鍌涘 | 婵犳鍠楄摫闁搞劎鏁诲鏌ュ閻橆偅鐏冮梺鍝勬川婵箖锝為敓锟� | 闂佽崵鍋炵粙鎴﹀嫉椤掑嫬妫橀柛灞惧焹閺嬫牠鏌¢崶鈺佇い顐嫹 | 缂傚倸鍊风粈浣烘崲閹寸姷鐭堥柣鐔稿閺嬫牠鏌¢崶鈺佇い顐嫹 | 闂備礁鎲$敮妤呭垂閸撲焦鍏滈柛鎾茶兌鐏忕敻鏌ㄩ悤鍌涘 | 缂傚倷璁查崑鎾绘煕濞嗗秴鍔ょ紒鎰殕缁绘稒寰勭€n偆顦柣鐐寸啲閹凤拷 | 婵犵鍓濋〃鍛存偋閸涱垱顐介柕澹嫭鍎遍柣搴秵娴滄粓鍩i敓锟� | 闂備線娼уΛ宀勫磻閹剧粯鐓忛柛鈥崇箰娴滈箖姊洪棃娑欘棏闁稿鎹囬弻鏇㈠幢韫囨挷澹�
East meets West: Securities Law in general and Prospectuses in China and Australia

  
  Chinese securities regulations have rather strict provisions for company disclosure. Generally speaking, the information disclosure regime in China’s securities market was set up to satisfy the needs of the market. But the simple truth that the Australian Law noticed and that would come soon to attention of the Chinese Law is that it is impossible to formulate a list that includes all of the information that may be important for investors.
  
  In China the most serious problem is the dominant role of the State in the stock markets. While China has reformed itself into a quasi-market economy, the State has attempted to direct that economy through economic law and policies. [xv] In a time when the protection of the investors is the main concern of Australia, China has attempted to protect itself rather than the investors. In fact, information disclosure in China is inconsistent with a general condition of less transparency because the State allowed the shareholding experiment to go forward as a means of raising capital for state-owned companies that were on the verge of bankruptcy[xvi]. Unlike Australia, the Chinese securities regulation is dominated by the tension between the State’s economic policy and the State’s regulation of market activity. Therefore, requirements for corporate transparency might not be effective in light of a lack of lawmaking transparency. This reality is easily felt when we look at the one of the biggest scandals in China concerning disclosure. We are also going to show how Australian Law would have reacted if put in a similar position.
  
  Hainan Minyuan Modern Agricultural Company
  Hainan Minyuan Modern Agricultural Company made its public offering on April 30, 1993.[xvii] In 1996 and 1997, a series of public disclosures pushed the price of Minyuan’s stock to new heights. On January 22, 1997, the company announced a profit in 1996 of 0.867 yuan per share, an improvement of 1290.68 times over profits in 1995.
  
  While Minyuan’s stock rose, the company could not escape doubts about the annual report. The company was suspected of trading its own shares. The company released a mysterious “supplemental report” on February 1, 1997 which changed some of the company’s financial indicators. In March, five directors who approved the false reports resigned and disappeared.
  
  Responding to requests from investors, an investigation into Minyuan’s financial reports was launched on March 5, 1997. The investigation went on for more than a year. According to the investigation, the CSRC found that the company had fraudulently inflated accounts by 1.2 billion yuan from illegal real estate transactions in Beijing. Criminal charges were filed against the chairman and five directors, marking the first time criminal charges were filed against senior officials of a listed company.[xviii] A commentary in China Securities Newspaper labeled this scandal as the most serious case of securities fraud on China’s securities markets.[xix]
  
  However, Minyuan refused to help the CSRC find the five directors, and the CSRC later released a notice that there is “no obligation” for Minyuan to help. The reason weakness of the CSRC is suspected for political reasons. Two of the largest shareholders of Minyuan had ties to China’s late paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, one is Deng’s son, Deng Pufang, the other is Deng’s son-in-law, Wu Jianchang.
  
  As we can see, this case definitely undermines the CSRC powers. It shows the limits of this regulator. This will definitely permit other companies to breach their duties of disclosure. In Australia, the situation would have been probably different. The Australian regulators are an independent government body that main duty is to protect investors and consumers in the Australian financial system[xx]. But the simple reality is that in Australia there is a lack of case law in that field. Very few cases deal directly with the issue of prospectuses.[xxi] As a result, guidance on these provisions will probably be derived from case law on s 51A and 52 of the Trade Practices Act 1974. But after the Financial Reform Act, the liability rules for securities dealings are now contained in the Corporations Law. Section 52 and the associated consumer protection provisions of the Trade Practices Act (and the Fair Trading legislation of the States and Territories) do no longer apply to dealings in securities. What is the liability regime in China and Australia?


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